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Workplace rules numbed, but business will feel pain |
A runaway train was headed straight for
small business' bottom line and now, mirabile dictu, it's off the track.
I refer, of course, to the recent striking down by
Congress of rules intended to reduce repetitive stress injuries in the
workplace. With compliance costs estimated at anywhere from $5 billion
to $100 billion, depending on who did the estimate, the ergonomics
program may have been the Clinton administration's greatest affront to
American business. But it wasn't the only one and, while its
nullification should be celebrated, it should not be allowed to lead to
complacency.
Created by the Occupational Safety and Health
Administration (OSHA) and 10 years in the making, the ergonomics program
represented a scattergun approach to the problem of workers being
injured by repeatedly performing the same task. By OSHA's own admission,
4.75 million small businesses would have been subject to the rules, 4.2
million of them employing fewer than 20 workers.
The workplace was defined so broadly that even
home-based firms, where a single friend or relative labors a few days a
week at data entry or bookkeeping, could have been affected. And
business owners would have been required to spend from $250 to $1,000 a
year per employee workstation just on prevention.
What doomed the measure
Whatever the price tag, the program was shaping up as a
compliance nightmare. Reading snippets of it, you had to wonder if it
wasn't the latest handiwork of Ira Magaziner, architect of that
regulatory morass known as "Hillary's health care plan." But forget the
bureaucratic silliness — the "MSD (musculoskeletal disorder) incidents,"
the "action triggers," the "quick fixes" — underlying it all was real
economic inequity, the kind that can be fatal to a small business
operating on razor-thin margins.
Consider: The rules would have covered injuries
sustained outside the workplace — while playing golf or softball, for
example — and then merely aggravated at work. Moreover, employers would
have had to pay injured workers 90% of their pay for up to 90 days,
while it was determined whether the employee could return to work; the
comparable rate under Workman's Compensation is two-thirds of full pay.
What doomed the measure was the happy coincidence of Republicans
controlling both Congress and the White House.
Under the Congressional Review Act (enacted in 1996 as
part of the Small Business Regulatory Fairness Act), all "major" federal
regulations are subject to congressional review. Some 20,000 regulations
have been submitted for review in the last five years, but not a single
one has been disapproved until now. The reason? While Republicans in the
past had the votes to nullify regulations, they did not have the votes
to override the presidential veto that inevitably would have followed.
So, this is one regulation that has died with the new
administration and Congress. Now you can go blithely about the business
of making money and enjoying life, right? Well, not exactly.
Cause for alarm
Though the ergonomics package no longer is a problem,
new rules governing the reporting of workplace injuries remain on the
books, and small-business advocates say they will add substantially to
business' red-tape burden unless amended. Also cause for alarm is a trio
of new environmental regulations — governing watershed pollution, lead
emissions and sulfur levels in diesel fuel — that figure to have a
significant negative impact on certain small-business constituencies.
There are others as well, many of them so-called
"midnight regulations" the Clinton White House attempted to sneak into
effect in the period between the election and the Bush inauguration.
It's a time-honored way for an administration to put its mark on the
body bureaucratic one last time — think of a dog lifting its leg — and
it should come as no surprise that in this, as in so many other things,
the Clinton gang was particularly profligate.
A recent study by the Mercatus Center at George Mason
University in Virginia found that President Clinton broke Jimmy Carter's
1980-81 record for the most pages published in the Federal Register
during the post-election quarter: Clinton's post-election regulations
filled 26,542 pages vs. 24,531 for Carter.
While this latest batch of midnight regulations are
subject to congressional review (Congress has until approximately
mid-2001 to review all rules submitted after July 13 of last year),
small-business advocates in Washington say that few, if any, additional
regulations will rise to the level of the ergonomic rules and be slapped
down with a resolution of disapproval. But there are other remedies.
One of Andrew Card's first official acts as White House
chief of staff was to direct agency heads to postpone for 60 days the
effective date regulations that had been issued but not yet become
effective. Those rules are subject to administrative review and
withdrawal.
Expect them to head to
court
And not every regulation that took effect before Clinton
vacated the White House is immune. The most notable example in this
category is the "integrity and business ethics" standards intended to
deny federal contracts to firms that have broken the law.
The rules were roundly derided by business as a sop to
labor unions ("labor violations" are among the offenses not to be
tolerated). The rules, which took effect Jan. 19, were suspended for six
months, thanks to a ruling by the panel that reviews federal procurement
regulations. It's expected that the Bush administration eventually will
be able to withdraw the rules.
In cases where administrative or legislative remedies
aren't available, there's always the law. Look for special interest
groups that have been hit hard by a rule — often in the environmental
area — to go to court hoping to prove a flaw in the rulemaking process.
But whatever becomes of the Clinton's midnight rules
blitz, this much seems certain: The regulatory arm of the Bush
administration will be less punitive.
"The Bush administration is going to focus more on
compliance assistance, on a partnership with small business," says Karen
Bosgraaf, manager of regulatory policy at the National Federation of
Independent Business.
And when rules are laid down, she adds, "hopefully
they'll be less heavy handed and costly, and focus more on voluntary
efforts."
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